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To tlie 38ili Congress of the United States 
of America. 

Alt OPEH LETTER 

FROM • 

DU. RUDOLPH WIECZOEEK, 

Ho. 59 West 41st Street, Hew York. 

Gentlemen: — 

Our forefathers, ia forming the Union, iuteiraed ^o ^'^^^^ 
1 vemrblic Th< 1 >edarat!ou of Independence (July 4, 11 J b ana 
SrSiuin ofthe United States (Sept 7 178 ma^ 

■,;-ii onenlv In the former they prochtim the iiglits ot maa 
UblT"nl'ec|U It^'ofthehunmnrace; in the latter they guar- 
lefto eXsLtiof the Union "a republican form of govern- 

'"^";iu:\ttc:onnMLentof their noble ^^^^^ 
elrcumstances beset their P^tl-"''^ "^!""^^°"" f,^'^/~^^ o^ 
eftects of which are those inconsistences we ^^ ^> •^,^°3';!^^,'^ 
of both the above documents. For, in flagrant couti adic.ion v. im 

"" TOr'^oHf part of the Fathers of the liepnblic called 



a perpetuation of this pestilential iniquity by an amendment iv 
the Constitution, legalizing the same for ever. 

In order to depress all opposition, and to prostrate any agita- 
tion against Slavery in the Northern States, they organized clubs 
and associations composed of the offscourings of the so-called Chi- 
valry. Ruined pettifoggers, bankrupt speculators, disgraced 
officials, venal priests, professional sharpers, pardoned convictSj 
dilapidated ''gentlemen," gamblers, political vagrants of all deno- 
minations furnished the material for this '^ propaganda." This 
sort of " gentlemen," all trained and experienced in the doctrine 
of the sovereignty of the States, of the constitutionality of Slavery 
as the corner-stone of the so-called " Democracy," of the centrali- 
zation and decentralization, were the appointed professors of South- 
ern principles in the North. Here, under the protection of other 
influential ''expounders of Southern ideas," and under strange 
names and firms, they established law and land-ofHceSj agencieSy 
contractor - auction - broker - lottery - shops, &?,, in connection 
with various secret lodges and societies. At election times, 
these ^'tvorthies'^ were constantly at their posts, teaching so-called 
" Democrac}'-," generally by peculiar arguments, prominent among 
which were brandy, rum, whisky, slung-shot, bowie-knives, revolv- 
ers, &e. This practice was in operation from the early days of 
the Union to the year 1830, when the South Carolina " nullifica- 
tion" scheme, originated by John Calhoun, was frustrated by the 
great Andrew Jackson, — up to the prer?ent time. In consequence^ 
public opinion in a great portion of the United h^tates was vitiated 
by anti-Republican and anti-Democratic principles. But the 
spirit of libeiiy and civilization manifested its existence in the 
Union. Upon a platform of freedom, a new political party arose,, 
and obtained the control of public affairs. There was not the slightest 
injury committed upon any one of the slavemongers in the South, 
not one slave taken from them; but the mere name of" Republican- 
ism," being identified with the principles of freedom, arose in 
their scared consciences like a phantom of vengeance, and drove 
them to the most unjustifiable act ever committed by men — to the 
secession and rebellion of 1 86 1 . 

Gentlemen of Congress, you know all the facts better than I 
can tell you. What is the oouthern Rebellion ? Senator Charles 
Bamner, of Massachusettes, in his speech of September 10, 1863^ 
at the Cooper Institute at New York, (Pag. 58) saj s : " The rebel- 
lion is slavery in arms; slavery on horseback; slavery on foot; 
slavery raging on the battle field ; slaver}^ raging on the quarter- 
deck, robbing, destroying, burning, killing, in order to uphold 
slavery. Its legislation is simply slavery in statutes; slavery in 
chapters; slavery in sections — with an enacting clause. Its diplo- 
macy is slavery in pretended ambassaiors; slavery in cunning 
letters; slavery in cozening promises; slavery in persistent nego- 
tions — all to secure for its legality the so-much-desired welcome. 
Say what you will; try to avoid it, if yon can; you are compelled 
to admit that the rebellion is nothing rnoie than organized slavery^ 
which now, in its madness, surrounded by its criminal clan, an^ 
led by its felon chieftains, braves the civilization of the age." 



The beautiful and magnificent Temple of Freedom — the last 

refuge of oppressed mankind — the Union of America, is partly 

ruined. No day has passed since the beginning of this detestable 

rebellion without recordiiig new victims: 500,000 invaluable lives 

have been lost; 500,000 of our best citizens have been murdered 

by this rebellion. Now, gentlemen, if our eminent forefathers, 

. George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, Patrick 

, ^ Henry, &c., if they could counsel us what to do in this critical time, 

^ ^ — would they not say: " Cut off the root of all this evil !" 

^ ^ Gentlemen of Congress, I take the liberty to ask you respect- 

•< fully: "What stands in your way to stop this brutish barbarism, this 

mainspring of all the present calamity and misfortune at once; 

t) abolish Slavery for ever ? 

Our forefathers did not abolish Slavery, for the protest of the 
mighty slaveholdiug aristocracy wou d have defeated the general 
object of forming the Union, but this objection is now removed. 
Now is the time to do it. The slaveholding aristocracy being 
hemmed in by our victorious armies, bearing on its forehead the 
mark of Cain, the stain of treason and rebellion, being sentenced to 
death as the assassin of 500,000 of owr brothers — this outlawed 
criminal stands not in your way; it already quails with mortal 
terror at the energy of our brave soldiers; it can no longer move 
on the offensive, and its infernal empire is melting away like 
snow in sunshine. We know the question is pending yet, how 
many thousands of lives, and how many thousands of millions of 
dollars we shall have to sacrifice before this bloody imposture col- 
lapses; but the triumph of the Union cannot be doubted by any 
patriot critizen; albeit we should be constrained to wait yet a little 
longer. Now, gentlemen of Congress, I venture to repeat my 
former question: Why do you hesitate to speak out the glorious 
word which must be spoken, as surely as the sun is on the heav- 
ens ? Rouse, gentlemen ! You cannot avoid it. Duty calls with 
a voice of thunder. Rouse ! — The people call upon you; the 
spirit of the age calls upon you; justice calls upon you; the bloo^ of 
500,000 murdered brothers calls upon you. Gentlemen, Senators, 
and Representatives of the United States of America, rouse, and do 
your duty ! 

Another obstacle encountered by our forefathers in the attempt 
to establish here a perfect Republic, were the States then existing 
here, with their peculiar conbtitutions, laws, and rights. This is 
evident fiom the Constitution, through which our fathers, wi*h 
Solonic wisdom, delivered the States from all sovereign rights, 
vesting them in the Congress of the United States, thus leaving to 
the States merely the enjoyment of those privileges absolutely 
essential to their internal economy. The entire abrogation of 
this nuisance of a composite Sfate was certainly their sincere de- 
sire; but this endeavor was likewise defeated by the egotism, of 
their contemporaries, especially of the governors, legislators^ and 
other officials benefitted by this individualization of States. Hence, 
they were forced to content themselves with reducing these 
States to mere skeleton or phantom States, in the expectation 
that advancing civilization and an enlarged experience would 



piventually convince a majority of the people of tbe impracticabili- 
\j of their illogical institutions, and, finally, persuade them to 
abolish the States witliia the State of the Union. But even in 
this case the fathers trusted their descendants too far. The latter, 
instead of abatinoj the existing confusion, have sought to perpetu- 
ate and perfect it ; no matter whether their titles of Excellency, 
Honorable, Esquire, Reverend, were dependent on a real or a 
mere phantom State, they were contented with pocketinc^ their 
huge salaries and fees, irrespective of their duty of establishing a 
true Republic for their offspring. They practised tbe Roman 
maxim: " Divide et inipera^^ — knowing that this was the proper 
manner to ruin nations. Tbey invented the doctrine of '' central- 
ization and decentralization ,'' and demonstrated the latter to be "the 
only manner of proceeding to uphold the Republic." This is, in 
fact, an infernal doctrine, not less detestable than the doctrine of 
the " sovereignty of States. ^^ 

The Territories acquired in ihoi course of time were divided 
into new States, which, barely possessed of the requisite minimum 
population (often attained through artificial and delusive means) 
were speedily thronged by hosts of patronized and recommei:ided 
''Hons.," "Esqs." and "Revs.," who, under tbe lead of a i^w pre- 
destined "Excellencies," established their homes there and an- 
nounced their ofticial existence by selecting the best government 
lauds for themselves. Thus the intelligent men of the Nation and 
the Government both became accomplices to this gigantic conspir- 
acy against the existence of the Republic. The mass of the peo- 
ple suspected nothing and accustomed themselves by-and«-by to 
vievz the entire proceedings, including the ridiculous titles assumed 
by these bogus potentates, as legal. 

Tbe State governments have frequently pretended certain 
sovereign rights, for instance that of authorizing certain priv^ate 
corporations to emit and circulate money, notwithstanding the ex- 
press and absolute constitutional denial of any such right to the 
separate State and its exclusive reservation to the Congress of the 
United States. The paragraphs referred to, say : "No state shall 
coin money, emit bills of credit, or make anything but gold and 
silver coin a tender in payment of debts." (Art. T , Sec. 10, § 1.) 
''Congress shall have po:rer to coin money, regulate the value 
thereof and of foreign coin." (Art. I , Sec. 8, § 5.) The States, 
having no right and no power to create a circulating medium, and 
being obliged to respect as such no other but United-States cur- 
rency or coin, evidently possess no right to impart such privilege 
to a private corporation. Can anything be imparted unless one 
possesses it? Notwithstanding, the States have authorized thou- 
sands of banking associations to issue paper money, without once 
hesitating at this infraction of the Constitution. In local trans- 
actions, these banking institutions may have been of some conven- 
ience, and, under a proper management, tolerably safe; but for 
general circulation, these thousands of varieties of bank-notes, with 
their thousands of counterfeits, neither were nor are,byany means, 
a reliable or convenient medium. These State hanks ivere the only 
(xvailahle instrument s of the enemies of the country to accumulate^ 






hi) means of ivritten ^^ promises to pay ^^^ the realco'ui of the nafiofi 
in the hands of afcw^ ivho luere ai libertij to dispose of it at their 
vleasure. This State-bank currency is the paper dragon which 
devoured the "golden calf." Through these means, the feouth, hav- 
ing absorbed the bulk of our coin, was enabled to raise and feed 
large armies during this long war. Therein lies the "great mystery" 
of the "Knights" of the sunny South. 

What the solidity ot those banks amounts to, we have observ- 
^.d in the beginning of this war. The banks suspended specie 
ayments. They sold the deposits made to them in gold and sil- 
-£r, with a profit of from 50 to 60 per centum, and when deposit- 
rs' called lor their coin, they paid them in " legal tenders"— that 
5, in " promises to pay"! This was, and is, open robbery, where- 
y the banks gained enough to redeem their entire circulation, and 
reserve funds for future operations. I ask you, gentlemen, 
/hat difference is there between these banks and the mock-auc- 
ion shops in our great cities ? I perceive only this difference, 
hat the mock-auctioneer, if convicied, is held responsible for the 
.tolen amount, while at the same tim.e the said banking institutions 
ire protected by our public authorities, in their illegal business. 

Where is our gold and silver, formerly circulating in such 
ibundance ? Who made it disappear so suddenly and thoroughly? 
3ome with me, gentlemen, I wall show you where it is ! i/z the 
-aidts of these banks you 7nay find all the masses of gold, silver 
md cop)per. There they are— there they stay. Our Government 
3 subject to enormous difficulties and losses by these manipula- 
ions of the banks; the people are suffering thereunder; the lav/s of 
■,ommercial intercourse are deranged thereby. And what amidst 
\\\ this public calamity, are those banks doing for the public wei- 
are ? They demand the interest for all their accumulated State 
stocks— ^■?^ specie. And this is not enough. They ivant it in ad- 
vance ! Gentlemen, consult Mr- Chase in this matter. If this 
gentleman knows his business, and if he is williug to tell the truth, 
ie must say that these banks interfere to a serious extent with the 
N'ational finances ; that they must be closed by act of Congress— 
:.he sooner the better. From the moment when we were constrained 
to emit United States notes as a circulating mcditim, it icas the 
duty of Congress to re^ider al! other bills in circulation illegal. 
Congress, in not acting thereupon, have neglected their duty— 
in favor of the Plutocracy. . Furthermore, you have, in establish- 
ing the act for the emission of United States bills, at the rate of 
7.30 per centum,— added the clause : that said interest shall be 
paid in gold. At that time, 7.80 per centum was more than a le- 
gal rate in the United States of America. There is no excuse for 
Congress in thus breaking the law. Besides this breach of law, 
the clause "that the interest shall be paid in gold," effects a de- 
preciation of our currency. The law rendering United States 
notes a "legal tender" compelled the people, without exception, to 
take them^'in payment of debts. Do the Plutocracy of our 
country not form a portion of the people, or since when are they 
entitled to more consideration than the sovereign people of tha 
United States ? Congress, in this case, acted iu defiance of the 



— 6 — 

law, against the rights of the people — all in favor of the Plutocra- 
cy. The same inconsistency exists in the enactment, that all im- 
port duties shall be paid in specie. This law commits an injustice 
to our importers, without conferring an atom of benefit on the 
people ; the only object thereby attained is the realization of gold 
for the payment of interest, and this alleged act is but a benefit 
to the Plutocracy. All these laws are unwise, being in direct 
contradiction to the interests of the people of the Union. They 
are unjustifiable, and the ne?:t Congress is not bound to respect 
them for one moment. Now, gentlemen, as part of said laws were 
enacted by you, I take the liberty of asking: Have you considered 
the matter before you ac^ed in the manner above alluded to ; or 
did yon act thus under the momentary pressure of extraordinary 
circumstances? If the latter, then you must proceed lo repair 
the damage without delay. But if you have acted through an 
understanding with this ever unconscionable plutocracy, thus 
giving sustenance to these enemies of every republic, and espe- 
cially of the United States of America — then, gentlemen, a great 
responsibility rests on your shoulders. This, the simple, logical 
truth, is an enemy to flattery. You may, therefore, excuse my 
liberty in addressing you so openly. 

Now, let us consider the States as portions of the Union. 
The admission of the existence of states within a state, is in itself 
a logical absurdity. And through the experience of the lives of 
nations, history has recorded the axiom : That a state within a 
state is a sure ruin to both. We will comprehend this better 
when observing the status quo here in this case. Each State of the 
Union has its peculiar rate of interest, its peculiar measures and 
weights, its peculiar constitution, its peculiar laws, its peculiar in- 
stitutions, &c. All this engenders an inconceivably enormous mass 
of confusion. No sage, no philosopher, no lawyer, no statesman 
knows all the laws of all the states in the Union. This inextrica- 
ble confusion is in iact an immense benefit to our aristocracy and 
plutocracy ; while for the people it is but an abominable trap, the 
main instrument of their oppression, and the source of all our 
public misery. 

Ancient history reports the existence of the so-called Labj^ 
rinth, erected by one Dadalus as late as 138(), B. C, by order c 
the famous Minos, King of the Island of Crete. This v/as a vas 
building, traversed in all directions by a number of entanglec 
mazes, so that no one could find the way out. This Labyrinth was 
inhabited by Minotauru-, the son of Minos' wife by a bull ftaurus) 
This monster had a bull's head, the rest of his body being human 
— living men were his daily food. The people of Athens deliv 
ered every year a tribute of seven boys and seven girls to thi 
monster. Finally Theseus, one of the victims, assisted by th( 
daughter^ of King Minos, slew it. Now, gentlemen, our State 
laws are just such a Labyrinth — no one can find the way out 
This Labyrinth of ours is infested by a monster similar to the Mi 
notaurus, demanding his tribute without indulgence, pity, shame, 
or conscience, from the people ; — the most of it from the inex- 
perienced, innocent, and unsophisticated; and none can escape. 

*) Whogaye him a ball of twine, to enable him to find the way. 



This monster is composed of the mass of our professionai 
lawyers and officials. Gentlemen, Minos was a king ; the Island 
of Crete had an aristocratic orgranization ; it was inhabited only 
by lords and slaves. There a Labyrinth may have been in order, 
but what occasion is there for such an institution in this Republic, 
where citizens ought to be free and equal ? The aggregate of 
our laws formu a regular fortress, with bastions, walls, ramparts, 
trenches, mines, covered and secret entrances and exits — the innu- 
merable paragraphs bristling in formidable array like the palisades 
around the fortress. But this fortress is a protection for the aris- 
tocracy, for the plutocracy only— it is a bar for the poor man ask- 
ing satisfaction from the rich man. The poor people cannot en- 
ter it. Without money, no satisfaction can be obtained from our 
law. The lawyer must be paid; the constable must be paid; the 
court must be paid before granting a hearing ; and even when the 
case is gained, it is so at a great pecuniary sacrifice. Our law 
offers protection only to the Plutocracy ; the poor cannot enjoy its 
benefits as long as riches usurp the place of justice. 

With but few exceptions, high officials, judges, lawyers or 
rich men, when convicted of crime, go unpunished. None of our 
heads of departments are called to an account of their administra- 
tion at the end of their terms. The successors in office know how to 
cover the faults of their predecessors, consequently people are 
never informed about the conduct of their officials. Our custom- 
house collectors, post-masters, county sheriffs, county clerkS; &c., 
besides their high salaries, frequently derive incomes fifty 
times greater from fees, &c., which are beyond control. Our 
courts should exercise a proper supervision over this part of our 
public life; they do not. Our "prominent citizens," being the 
presumptive successors to those offices, remain quiet, and thus, by 
official frauds and thefts, millions are lost to the people. Hence, 
there is no real equality before the law. 

Most of our laws are of English origin— royal British laws. 
They are, in fact, nothing but royal British chains and locks ; so 
are our courts images of royal British courts. What business has this 
royal trash in our Republic? Down with these English laws !— 
Down with these English courts ! Is there not intelligence 
enough in this land to establish law-courts in accordance with the 
principles of republicanism ! Shall our people always be kept in 
the dark concerning the laws of the country, and debarred from 
proceeding one step, without the guidance of professional lawyers, 
skillful sharpers, thieves, and skinners ? The laws of a republic 
should be short, determinated, and intelligible, excluding all ambig- 
uity, so that every one may acquire a knowledge of them without 
being compelled to support as assistants in law matters a class 
of vile swindlers. The laws of a republic should be a bulwark, 
a protection to the righteous, and a bar, a scourge to the bad; and, 
therefore, justice in a republic must be accessible to every one 
without lawyers and without money. The people appoint 
officers to serve the people— to serve all without exception or dis- 
tinction. They are paid once, and once should be enough for 
them. Is it so here ? The lawyer is the Alpha and the Omega 



— 8 — 

of all our undertakings in social and commercial intercourse. AVe 
now stand, in regard to this class of men, just where the Athe- 
nians stood previous to the collapseof their Republic. Sycophancy, 
artifice, subterfuge, dissimulation, and corruption of every sort, 
vitiate all branches of our civil service. Oar institutions are rot- 
ten to the core. Most of our courts are degraded to dens of rob- 
bers. There you can appraise the marked value of law. You 
can obtain one, two, three, ten, or a hundred dollars' worth of jus- 
tice in lots to suit purchasers. Whether right or wro»g, you pay, 
and you are right — you must and shall be right — for your money. 

For money you can buy anything — you can buy votes. Our 
Plutocracy pay so-aud-so much, and its "expounders" are sure to be 
nominated and elected. When the election is over, the candidates 
generally let the cat out of the bag, and tell you how much they 
paid. This fact has procured for the people the name oi " voting- 
cattle." Their degradation of the elective franchise to the service 
of the miserable dollar, — this horrible demoralization of the mas- 
ses is an everlasting stain on the forehead of our aristocracy. 
What difference is there between the negro-owner and this vot- 
ing-cattle-owner ? They are partners in one business — the 
making of slaves. The former takes possession of the body by 
the subjection of its physical power, the latter seizes the soul by 
destroying its moral power — both act for the lust of gain. 

Now, gentlemen of Congress, I ask you respectfully, are you 
acquainted with all the above-represented facts? In your charac- 
ter as representatives of the people — as true citizens of a Ivepublic, 
3'ou must do away with this confusion oi States in the Republic, 
this medley of laws, and this demoralization created by the might 
of the dollar. You must stop the encroachments of our Plutocracy, 
and to this end you must stop the laud monopolies. The ancient 
republics of Sparta, Athens, and Rome, collapsed as victims of 
monopolies, and especially of the land monopoly. As long as the 
land in Sparta was an unalienable possession in the hands of 
39,000 families, the republic needed no fortifications and the city 
of Sparta no walls; but after the law of Ephor Epitadeus 
(340 B. c.) enabled real estate in said republic to be sold, ex- 
changed, assigned, bequeathed, and incumbered, all the lands 
came into the possession of only 100 rich persons, and the republic 
fell a victim to the despotism of the King of Macedon. So it was 
with Athens, where, originally, all lands were accessible only to 
real cultivators. Every one fought for his home, for his family, 
for his fatherland. Commerce, industry, the arts and the sciences 
flourished; the republic of Athens attained a wide celebrity, and 
the name of being the fountain of the civilization of its age; she 
bore such sons as Solon, Socrates, Plato, Demosthenes, Aristotle, 
and other brilliant stars on the firmament of classical antiquity. 
But the time came when King Philip of Macedon could say in ref- 
erence to Greece: " No fortress wall is too high for an ass loaded 
with gold to jump over." After capital had swallowed the coun- 
try and the actual cultivators became dependent on the Plutocracy, 
patriotism was extinguished like a lamp deprived of oil. Why 
should they fight for others ? Why should they defend the prop- 



9 — 



/6 



erty— the land of others — tlie very laiirl where tlieir cradles and 
hearths had stood, and wherefrom they had been expelled by the 
aggressions of the moneyed powers ? The orator Demosthenes 
(338 B. c.) exclaimed in open court before the people: "Now, 
there are statesmen among us owning so many lands that all your 
farms in aggregate will not be equal to them." The republic of 
Athens was constrained to buy soldiers in order to fill her con- 
tingents, and when the enemy paid a higher bounty, the soldiers 
preferred the latter, and frequently engaged to fight against their 
fatherland. These causes destroyed the republic of Athens, and 
thus Rome was ruined. In this latter republic, the public domains 
originally were accepsible to the aristocracy, or nobility, to the 
Patricians exclusively. The law of Licinius Stolo (oGfi u. c.) 
and its re-introduction by Tiberius Gracchus (131 b. c ), and 
Cajus Gracchus (123 b. c), produced only a temporary effect in 
favor of the people. But, gradually, the mass of the public lands 
accumulated in the hands of but 1,000 persons, some of them 
owning such extensive estates, that, though cultivated by slaves, 
the annual revenue of each amounted to 3,000,000 dollars. The 
renowned writer Seneca says: "Rivers which had divided hostile 
nations flowed during this period throi^gh the vast estates of pri» 
vate citizens." After all the real estate had been taken from the 
people, there was nothing remaining to them but what the proverb 
then in use said: " Ultima spes miles ;^'' that is, the last hope of 
being enlisted as a soldier. 

Gentlemen of Congress, T ask you respectfully: Are not our 
public domains in a condition similar to those of the Spartans, 
Athenians, and Romans, just previous to the downfall of their re- 
spective republics, being opened but to the Plutocracy ? From $2 50 
to 12 J cents per acres, all those who have money can buy our 
public lands wherever they are for sale. Bat to the poor'man, 
who has no money, the four corners of the public domain are locked, 
You may, gentlemen, revert to the homestead law of May 20, 
38G2. Tiiis law, and the instructions of the Commissioner of the 
General Land OfSce at Washington of October 30, 18G2, lie be- 
fore me at this moment, and I can only gather therefrom that anv 
citizen may, under a great many restrictions, to which individuals 
buying land are not subject, occupy 160 acres of public land, 
but he still has to pay $14 to the officials preparing the necessary 
papers; and I am., therefore, justified in faying that our pnbk'c 
domains are open but to the Plutocracy and to the dollars. Gen- 
tleinen, you see herefrom, that our internal economy in this re- 
spect must be radically reformed if the Republic shall live. I 
propose the following sketch of a law: 

§x- 

Thepubliclands shall henceforth not be sold, not conveyed to 
any person or persons, nor given as an equivalent for services 
rendered to the United States. 

§ n. 

No one in this Republic shall possess land exceeding the 
amount of GdO acres. 



§ III. 

Every citizen or person who has declared his intentions of be- 
coming such shall bo entitled to 160 acres of the public domains 
gratis, and free from all taxes and fees whatever. 

§IV. 

Any person owning more than 160 acres of land in this Repub- 
lic shall pay on the surplus an annual tax of not less than 1 per 
cent. 

§v. 

Any person owning more than G40 acres of land in this Repub- 
lic shall give up the remainder to the people, and shall be entitled 
to a refunding of the original cost, added to a reasonable remuner- 
ation for the improvements thereon. 

Gentlemen, Senators, and Representatives: In order to carry 
out these indispensable reforms, viz.: The perpetual Abolition of 
Slavery, the transformation of the States and Counties into Provin- 
ces and Circuits, the abrogation of State banks and State laws, 
and the introduction of a radical reform in the Public Land System, 
the Constitution of the United States must inevitably be trans- 
muted into a new Constitution of the Republic of North America. 
An essential change in the existing Constitution is already un- 
avoidabli^, in order merely to secure those reforms adopted by 
your body at the present session: why, then, do you falter in the 
completion of the work once begun ? Do you shrink before the 
Plutocrac}'- or aristocracy ? I deny the possibility of its existence in 
a perfect republic. Then what lies in your way in erecting the 
foundation of the most magnificent Temple of Liberty ever 
known to history ! Rouse, gentlemen I the cycle of Time is re- 
lentlessly rolling on. AVould you rather gloriously advance with 
it, or would you vainly attempt to impede its victorious progress ? 
You are but men, and you are not capable of doing that which 
was impossible to the gods of the ancients. They were crushed 
by the onward march of Time, so tbat only their m^emory re- 
mained on the pages cf history. To work, gentlemen — to work 
bravely, laying the corner-stone of the future Republic of 
America ! 

Or do you fear to contradict the will of the people? Why 
then, gentlemen, assemble the entire people of these United 
States, acquaint them with the contents of the above, and let them 
vote upon it. I will forfeit my life if you fahall not find the op- 
position confined exclusively to Lhe aristocrats and monopolists — 
the people standing up in solid phalanx in favor of the proposition. 
But suppose you etill remain impassive and offer defiance to the 
judgment of the age, you may as well be informed that this con- 
summation will be reached notwithstanding; for the next revolu- 
tion bhall then dictate the Constitution ot the Republic of America. 

Should you, however, allow yourselves to be induced to action 
in this matter, do not. for heaven's sake, forget to annul the dis- 
tinction now existing between two classes of citizens. I refer to 
the two classes to v/hich the oiHces of President and Vice-President, 
&c , are respectively attainable and not attainable, the former 



. _ n — 

class monopolizing tliose marv^elous titles of Excellency, Honor* 
able, Esquire, &c. 

Our British cousins, the Jesuits, and tlie rest of the transatlan* 
tic self-styled " Friends of the Union," have ever llazoned as em-* 
inent^y proper every error committed in this so-called Republic, 
among others, the ytatute in the Constitution v/hereby the offices 
of President and Vice-President were rendered inaccessible to for^ 
eign-born citizers. I perceive In this neither wisdom nor acute- 
ness, but a logical absurd itj^, v/hich entailed npon the Union one 
of the chief causes of its decay^ in thus introducing the principle of 
a hereditary nobility in open contradiction to the same Constitu- 
tion, which (Art. 1, Sec. 9, § 7) especially forbids the introduction 
of a nobility. The nativists of this country are genercilly a more 
pretentious and supercilious set than any European possessor of 
a patent of nobility. The nativists, with their secret lodo^es 
(" American Union,'^ " Know-Nothings," &c.) have- inflicted just as 
serious injuries on this Ilepubiic as the Southern Rebellion. Sup- 
posing that I am a citizen of the United States, why shall I bear 
that ch?racter only in 99 cases out of a 100 and not in the huu-^ 
dredth? Why should I assist in making a President or Vice- 
President of the United States, being at the fame time disqualified 
from holding these oflices myself? A republic should be com- 
posed of but one class of citizens— entire citizens — not 1.00 and 
0.99 ones. This state of things is an offense against the logic of 
common-sense, or, as the sage carpenter of Nazart th would have 
called it, '^ An offense against the Holy Ghost," 

In connection with this land and birthright aristocracy, another 
offence has been committed against the spirit of the Republic. I 
allude to the previously-mentioned titles. Whence are they de- 
rived ? The Constitution of the United States permits no titles, 
but distinctly forbids them in the above-mentioned section in these 
words: 

"Mo title of nobili'y shall be granted by the United States ; and 
no person holding any office of profit or trust under them, shall accept 
of any present, emolument, office or title of any kind whatsoever, 
from any king, prince or foreign state." (Art. I., Sec. 9, § 7.) 
"No State shall grant any title of nobility." (Art. I., Sec. 10, § 1.) 

Where,then,liavet'ie titles of the President and Vice-President 
of the United States originated ? Certainly not with the people; for 
a nation may not be charged with such an offense against the 
logic of reason or the "Holy Ghost." Can a nation name her 
servants Excellencies or Honorables before the}^ have proved their 
claims to such appellations ? Aa absolute monarch, whose exis- 
tence is in itself is an outrage on comimou- sense, and with whom 
reason is but a minor consideration, m^y perpetrate such vagariet; 
but neither you, gentlemen, nor the President of 'the United 
States, the Cabinet ofHcers, and Envoys, have any right to assume 
those titles. Then away with the«e relics of British chains and 
locks ! If lawyers, officials, speculators, and the whole tribe of 
the codfish-aristocracy, insist on making themselves lidiculous by 
appending "Esq.," to their names, as the clergy do by prefixing 
'''Rev." to theirs, abandon them to their predilections. 'it.«Mr 



~ 12 - 

Lord, in )3assiDg the Grand Ileview over tbem, wil! recognize 
them thereby. 

Only one thing more I request of you, gentlemen: make 
yourselves familiar with the' subjoined platform: — 

One Coiiiitiy — One Republic — One People — 
One State — One Constitution — One Legislation 
— One Code of Laws — One Currency — One Rate 
of Literest— One System of Weights and Meas- 
ures — One Government — One Representation of 
the People ! 

On this platform, gentlemen, T am always 

Your obed't serv't, 
Xew Yokk City, ) 

Mu- 24, 18G4. 1 DR, RUDOLPH WIECZOREK, 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 





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